“We are currently liquidating our future to pay for the present.”
A country with a 1.62 birth rate is a country in a slow-motion collapse. You want Social Security? You want a functioning tax base? You want someone to run the hospitals in 30 years? Then stop telling young couples to ‘just work harder’ and start making family formation economically rational again.
Right now, the CEO’s kids have the world. Yours have a $300k debt sentence before they even hit kindergarten.
This isn’t a sermon. It’s arithmetic.
Episode 23: Fix the structure, or watch the country hollow out.
The Make America Grow Again | Full Series Index →
📋 What We’re Covering in This Episode
The Birth Strike Nobody Called
Why Families Aren’t Forming
What Actually Works (And What’s Political Theater)
The Five Structural Fixes
The Uncomfortable Honest Part
Epilogue: And Finally
The Birth Strike Nobody Called
Nobody sent out a memo. Nobody organized a movement. Nobody printed t-shirts or chanted in the streets. And yet, quietly, without any fanfare whatsoever, American families stopped forming.
The U.S. birth rate just hit its lowest recorded level in modern American history. 1.62 children per woman. That’s not a statistic. That’s a message — written in demographic ink — from tens of millions of people who looked at the cost of raising a child, the stability of their income, the price of housing, the state of their healthcare, the affordability of childcare, and said the same quiet, devastating thing:
Not yet. Maybe never.
The U.S. birth rate hit 1.62 in 2023 — the lowest on modern record.
The replacement rate needed to maintain a stable population? 2.1.
Now before the right starts blaming feminism and the left starts blaming capitalism — they’re both right and both wrong, which is their special gift to the universe. The real answer is more structural, less theatrical, and way more solvable than either side will admit, because solving it doesn’t make for great fundraising emails.
This is Episode 23 of Make America Grow Again. If you’re just landing here, start with the full series index — it’s the map to this entire 25-part project. We’ve been building this case fix by fix, root to branch. This one sits near the top of the branches: not the bleeding emergency of Healthcare Cost Control (Episode 2) or the foundational rot of Government Transparency (Episode 1) — but it’s the fix that will determine whether any of this country’s other systems have anyone left to run them in forty years.
So. Let’s talk about why Americans stopped having kids — and what a government that wasn’t bought and paid for would actually do about it.
Why Families Aren’t Forming — And It’s Not “The Vibes”
Every few months, some think-tank releases a report expressing shock that young Americans aren’t starting families at the same rates as their parents did. And every few months, the think-tank gets it wrong by about ten layers of abstraction. They talk about “values shifts” and “delayed adulthood” as if people are voluntarily choosing instability the way someone chooses an avocado toast over a 401k contribution.
Let me be direct: people aren’t skipping families because they don’t want them. They’re skipping families because families have become economically irrational.
Here’s the math that nobody in Washington wants to do out loud:
The average cost of raising a child in the United States from birth to age 17 is now north of $300,000 — and that’s before you factor in college, medical emergencies, or the economic displacement of a primary caregiver taking any kind of parental leave. The average American family doesn’t have $300,000. They barely have the economic floor to stand on, which is the whole crisis we broke down in Episode 4 on Income Inequality.
🔎 Pro-Tip: What Drives the DecisionResearch from the Survey Center on American Life consistently shows that the top reasons young Americans cite for not having children — or having fewer than desired — are economic: housing costs, healthcare costs, childcare costs, and job insecurity. Not ideology. Not selfishness. Math.
Then there’s the childcare trap — which, if you’ve read Episode 11 on Childcare Support, you already know is a full-scale structural disaster. The average annual cost of infant daycare now exceeds the average annual in-state college tuition in over 30 states. Meaning: a family with two working parents is paying college prices every year, before kindergarten, just to be able to continue working. That’s not a childcare system. That’s a trap with a cute name.
Add to that:
No federal paid family leave. The United States remains one of the only wealthy nations on earth without a national paid parental leave policy. Papua New Guinea and the U.S. — that’s your peer group on this one. Uncomfortable? Good. It should be.
Housing costs pricing out the “family home.” The median home price in America has more than doubled in the last decade. Young couples who want a home in which to raise children can’t buy one. The geographic and economic lockout from stable housing — covered in the Rural Development episode from a different angle — also plays here. You can’t start a family in a studio apartment. Or, you can, but you shouldn’t have to.
The mental health tax on parenthood. Young people are already navigating anxiety, depression, and burnout at record levels — something we dug into hard in Episode 10 on Mental Health Access. Parenting amplifies every psychological stressor you already have. Without support systems, it breaks people.
🔎 Pro-Tip: The Hidden Economic Multiplier of Family FormationWhen families form, they drive enormous downstream economic activity: housing, goods, services, education, healthcare, long-term civic investment. A declining birth rate isn’t just a “social” issue — it’s a direct threat to the tax base funding Social Security and Medicare. This is Episode 18’s problem showing up in Episode 23’s data. These systems are not separate. That’s the whole point of the tree.
What Actually Works — And What’s Just Political Theater
Here’s where I have to be honest in a way that makes both parties uncomfortable, which is basically my brand at this point.
The right’s answer to declining family formation is usually some version of: tell people to have more babies and stop making it so culturally acceptable not to. Ted Cruz has literally suggested that declining birth rates are a cultural problem, as if young couples are childless because they saw something on TikTok. That’s not a policy. That’s a sermon nobody asked for.
The left’s answer is usually: expand government programs broadly and don’t attach them to marriage or family structure because that’s normative. Which is philosophically fine but tactically incomplete, because diffuse support systems help everyone a little and transform nothing specifically.
Meanwhile, look at what’s actually moved the needle in other countries:
Hungary’s pronatalist policy experiment offered massive mortgage subsidies, lifetime income tax exemptions for mothers of four or more children, and interest-free loans tied to childbirth. Birth rates ticked upward. Controversially, sure. Expensively, absolutely. But it moved the data.
Sweden and Norway built systems where paid parental leave (up to a year, split between both parents), heavily subsidized childcare, and flexible work law made having children financially survivable rather than financially catastrophic. Their birth rates are higher. Correlation is not causation, but that correlation is really, really hard to ignore.
Estonia — a country with fewer people than Los Angeles — saw its birth rate stabilize and modestly improve after implementing one of the most generous parental leave systems in the world. The policy didn’t cost more than the economic and social toll of population collapse.
“The countries that made having children affordable and supported saw more children. The ones that made speeches about family values without structural support saw fewer. Turns out people respond to incentives, not lectures. Who knew.”
🔎 Pro-Tip: What “Pronatalist” Doesn’t Have to Mean“Family formation support” doesn’t mean the government telling you to get married or have babies. It means removing the structural barriers that make it irrational to do so, if that’s what you want. Nobody’s mandating anything. We’re just trying to make the choice not feel like financial suicide. There’s a difference — a big one — and it matters politically and ethically.
The Five Structural Fixes
Here’s what an actual family formation support policy looks like — not a campaign slogan, not a think-tank white paper nobody reads, but a real, sequenced, structurally sound set of interventions:
Fix 1: Federal Paid Family Leave — Finally
Twelve weeks minimum. Paid at 70–80% of wages up to a reasonable income cap. Funded through a small payroll tax shared between employers and employees — similar to how Social Security and disability insurance are funded right now. Not radical. Not socialist. Just... what every other developed nation on Earth figured out decades ago.
The business lobby will scream. They always scream. Then they adapt. Every major economy that implemented paid leave found that productivity losses were far smaller than predicted, employee retention went up, and recruiting improved. This isn’t charity. It’s infrastructure — the kind that builds humans instead of highways.
🔎 Pro-Tip: The Small Business Problem Has a FixThe reason small businesses have historically opposed paid leave mandates is that they can’t absorb the cost the way Amazon or Walmart can. The solution is a pooled federal insurance fund — businesses pay in, the fund pays out. Small businesses aren’t penalized for an employee having a baby. Burden shared. Problem solved. This is the structure used in California’s paid leave program, which has operated since 2004 and is considered a success across party lines by most economists who’ve evaluated it.
Fix 2: A Refundable Child Tax Credit That Actually Covers Real Costs
The current federal Child Tax Credit maxes out at $2,000 per child — and for the lowest-income families, it’s not even fully refundable. Meaning the families who need it most get the least of it. The American Rescue Plan briefly expanded this to $3,600 per child and made it fully refundable. Child poverty dropped by nearly half in one year. Then Congress let it expire and child poverty spiked right back up, because apparently we learn nothing.
A permanent, fully refundable Child Tax Credit of $4,000–$6,000 per child under 6 (the most expensive years), phasing down to $2,500–$3,000 for children 6–17, indexed to inflation, would directly offset the economic irrationality of having children for low- and middle-income families. The cost? Significant. The cost of not doing it, in terms of workforce shrinkage, entitlement program collapse, and generational poverty? Greater.
This connects directly to what we laid out in Episode 3 on VAT Implementation — tax policy is how you signal what you value. Right now, America’s tax code signals that it values corporate stock buybacks more than children. That’s not an opinion. That’s math.
Fix 3: Childcare as Infrastructure — Not a Luxury Market
We don’t treat highways as luxury markets. We don’t say “well, if you can’t afford to use a road, maybe you shouldn’t drive.” We build roads because roads make everything else in the economy function.
Childcare is the same thing. It’s infrastructure. Without it, parents — primarily mothers — are locked out of the workforce. Without it, children of lower-income families fall behind developmentally before they ever set foot in a kindergarten classroom. Without it, the whole system jams.
The fix: a federal-state partnership that caps childcare costs at 7% of household income for families earning under four times the federal poverty level, with sliding scale support above that threshold. Funded through a combination of employer contributions, federal childcare block grants with accountability requirements, and — yes — the kind of tax reform we talked about in Episode 5 on Education Access.
🔎 Pro-Tip: The Pre-K Double DividendUniversal pre-K isn’t just about childcare as childcare. Nobel laureate economist James Heckman has spent decades documenting that every dollar invested in early childhood development returns $7–$13 in reduced costs to the criminal justice, welfare, and healthcare systems over the lifetime of that child. This isn’t compassion talking. This is compound interest on human capital. You want to know why we keep paying for the same problems generation after generation? Look at Episode 21 on Criminal Rehabilitation. The root of half those stories is an underdeveloped early childhood.
Fix 4: Housing Policy That Doesn’t Punish Young Families
You cannot build a stable family life in a market where starter homes have been consumed by institutional investors and short-term rental platforms, where zoning laws written in 1962 make it illegal to build a duplex in most American neighborhoods, and where a 30-year-old couple has to choose between saving for a down payment and paying off their student loans — as if they’re supposed to do both simultaneously on stagnant wages.
Family formation support without housing reform is a car with no engine. Episode 19 on Generational Wealth Inequality goes deep on how housing wealth has been systematically hoarded by one generation at the expense of the next. The short version here: zoning reform, institutional investor tax disincentives, and first-time buyer programs that are actually funded and accessible — not politically advertised and practically useless — are non-negotiable parts of this fix.
Fix 5: Flex Work Protections With Legal Teeth
Remote and flexible work arrangements dramatically improve the ability of parents — again, especially mothers — to maintain careers while raising young children. COVID proved this was operationally possible at massive scale across entire industries. Then a wave of “return to office” mandates decided we’d all collectively pretend it didn’t happen.
The government’s role here isn’t to mandate remote work — it’s to protect workers’ legal right to request flexible arrangements without retaliation, to create tax incentives for employers who build family-supportive policies, and to enforce anti-discrimination protections for pregnant employees and new parents that currently exist on paper but get violated constantly in practice.
🔎 Pro-Tip: The Caregiving Penalty Is a Workforce Crisis in DisguiseThe “motherhood penalty” — the documented wage and career setback that women experience when they have children — costs the U.S. economy an estimated hundreds of billions in lost productivity and workforce participation. This is also a corporate capture problem we outlined in Episode 17: when companies control the legislative environment, they kill the protections that would cost them short-term while generating enormous long-term social returns. The revolving door doesn’t care about your family. It cares about next quarter.
The Uncomfortable Honest Part
I know what some of you are thinking. “This sounds expensive.” And you’re right. It is. Up front, it costs real money to build the systems that make family formation possible for people who aren’t already wealthy.
But here’s what’s more expensive: a shrinking workforce that can’t fund Social Security. A Medicare system buckling under the weight of an aging population with no younger generation behind it to sustain it. A school system built for 50 million students that suddenly has 32 million. An economy whose growth model depends on population expansion that isn’t coming.
The Japanese figured this out too late. South Korea is figuring it out too late right now — they have a birth rate of 0.72. They are in full demographic panic. You don’t want to be South Korea. You want to be the country that looked at the data ten years before it became a crisis and had the adult conversation about it.
That conversation is this one. Right here. Right now.
This series lives at the intersection of what’s politically uncomfortable and what’s structurally true. Family formation support is one of the few issues where a real policy coalition is possible across the left-right divide — if both sides can drop their culture-war talking points long enough to read the same spreadsheet. Progressives want economic justice for working families. Conservatives want stable family structures and population growth. This policy does both. That’s rare. Let’s not waste it.
And Finally...
📢 I'm Definitely Not Telling You to Have Kids. Just Demand Our Elected Reps Ensure It Is Not an Increasingly Bad Business Decision
I want to close with something that doesn’t usually get said in policy circles, because policy circles are allergic to anything that sounds like a feeling.
Most Americans, when you actually ask them — not in a political poll, but in a real conversation — say they want a family. They want a partner, a home, maybe kids, maybe not, but a stable foundation. A life that isn’t just surviving from paycheck to paycheck, waiting for the next unexpected expense to detonate whatever progress they’d managed to make.
That’s not a controversial desire. That’s the most human thing there is. And we have built a system — through decades of corporate-friendly policy, legislative neglect, and a complete abdication of structural responsibility by both parties — that makes that desire feel naive. Reckless, even. Like wanting something you can’t afford.
And here’s the part that should bother you, no matter what flag you fly: the people who can afford it? They’re still forming families just fine. The CEO’s kids are in excellent private schools with excellent healthcare and excellent opportunities. The problem isn’t that America has become a bad place to raise a family. The problem is that it’s become a bad place to raise a family unless you’re already rich. That’s not freedom. That’s a stratified society wearing freedom’s clothes.
So when someone tells you family formation support is a “nanny state” program — ask them: compared to what? Compared to watching the tax base collapse? Compared to gutting Social Security because there aren’t enough workers to fund it? Compared to watching the country you claim to love slowly demographically hollow out because the people in it made a rational economic decision to stop reproducing?
That’s not the nanny state. That’s infrastructure. That’s a nation that has decided — deliberately, explicitly, with full awareness of the consequences — that the people who live in it are worth investing in.
If you want a country worth having in thirty years, you have to invest in the people who will live in it. And you have to start by making it possible for those people to exist.
That’s not a partisan point. That’s arithmetic.
— Rxan Smith
Uncomfortable
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The Complete Series — All 25 Episodes
Ep. 25 — Systemic Poverty Areas ← You Just Finished the Series
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